|
(Speaker Continuing)
[Deputy Mary Lou McDonald:   ] Under existing legislation, the Comptroller and Auditor General cannot always follow the money. This restriction is imposed on him or her by law and by us as politicians, and it simply makes no sense. It has only served to undermine the public's confidence in the much needed services sections 38 and 39 organisations deliver on behalf of the State. Our most vulnerable people rely on these services and they might not otherwise be available to families, be they in mental health, disability supports, workplace training or, indeed, rehabilitation. The Bill seeks to set this wrong to right. It enhances the principle that all public moneys be subject to the same scrutiny regardless of the organisation's size or funding composition when in receipt of the public's cash. To complement the legislation, Sinn Féin also provided an additional allocation for the Comptroller and Auditor General in its alternative budget document to assist the office in the expanded role we envisage for it. The office is under pressure even as it stands.
The Government must learn from the mistakes of the past. All of us from whatever party and, indeed, from none must enable the Comptroller and Auditor General's office to fulfil its role within the public administrative system. Departmental bodies such as the HSE must, in turn, address the shortfalls in their internal oversight policies and procedures. This is how we, as elected representatives, protect the public purse and deliver first world public services to the highest standards of delivery, accountability and oversight.
An Ceann Comhairle: Is the Bill opposed?
Minister for Children and Youth Affairs (Deputy Katherine Zappone): No.
Question put and agreed to.
An Ceann Comhairle: Since this is a Private Members' Bill, Second Stage must, under Standing Orders, be taken in Private Members' time.
Deputy David Cullinane: I move: "That the Bill be taken in Private Members' time."
Question put and agreed to.
Ceisteanna - Questions
National Risk Assessment
1. Deputy Brendan Howlin asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the publication of the final national risk assessment 2017 overview of strategic risks. [41719/17]
2. Deputy Gerry Adams asked the Taoiseach if he will report on the status of the national risk assessment 2017 overview of strategic risks. [43822/17]
The Taoiseach: I propose to take Questions Nos. 1 and 2 together.
The 2017 national risk assessment was published on 29 August. This is the fourth national risk assessment produced by the Government. It aims to provide an overview of strategic risks facing the country. It is focused on the identification of risk and is not intended to replicate or displace the detailed risk management strategies across Departments and agencies in respect of individual risks. Instead, the assessment aims to stimulate consideration within Government, and more widely in public debate, on the strategic risks that face the country over the medium and long term. As in previous years, the national risk assessment was prepared in collaboration with a steering group of Departments and agencies. It follows an open policy debate organised by my Department and a process of public consultation.
Since its inception, the process has highlighted a number of important strategic risks at an early stage. Indeed, a number of risks identified have since come to pass or become increasingly prominent in the intervening years, including withdrawal of the UK from the European Union. This year's assessment states that Brexit is an overarching theme that could have far reaching impacts on nearly all aspects of national life, while also noting the importance of keeping sight of our other strategic risks. Other risks identified include possible changes to US trade and tax policy, risks arising from continued housing supply constraints, climate change, technological risks, competitiveness pressures and changing demographics.
Many of the risks identified are being resolved through policies and actions in place or being developed by relevant Departments. Others are largely dependent on developments at international level over which we have little control. However, the purpose of this process is to encourage honest and open discussion about strategic risks facing the country, including in the Oireachtas.
Deputy Brendan Howlin: If one did not want to sleep at night, one should read the national risk assessment report, which outlines everything that could potentially befall us. The issue of Brexit is central to the assessment but changes to our climate have the potential for even greater harm. We have witnessed Hurricane Ophelia and the enormous damage that it did to our country, including the taking of three lives. Many parts of the country meanwhile are still cleaning up following Storm Brian. It is clear our weather patterns are changing and that reflects climate change internationally. We cannot individually hide from stronger and more violent storms and increased rainfall.
I am sure the Taoiseach will be aware that a court challenge has been lodged to the national mitigation plan. Friends of the Irish Environment claim approval of the plan should be quashed on several grounds, including that it fails to specify measures to reduce greenhouse gas emissions as it is required to do. They also claim that the plan does not comply with the requirements of the Climate Action and Low Carbon Development Act 2015. Since the House has not even debated the mitigation plan, what is the Taoiseach's response to these charges? When will he afford the House a proper opportunity to debate the issue of climate change in general and, more specifically, our strategies to deal with it?
Deputy Gerry Adams: I support the call for time to be set aside to discuss climate change and all the consequences it has for people on this island and worldwide. The Government could usefully set aside time to discuss the national risk assessment report. I would like to address one issue, which is Brexit. Research conducted by the European Commission's agricultural and rural affairs committee warns that a hard Brexit with no deal could wipe out almost 10% of the State's GDP and this will most severely affect agriculture. That is a more serious outcome than was previously envisaged by those who have spoken on this issue. Has the Taoiseach seen the report? If so, has he any comment on it?
Earlier this week, Theresa May told her parliament that no physical infrastructure would be imposed on the Border after Britain leaves the EU. I do not know how she can say that because if we do not have the type of deal Sinn Féin has argued for, which would provide for special status for the North within the EU, member states will enforce border controls and so on. Did the British Prime Minister give the Taoiseach in their recent 40 minute telephone conversation any idea of how Britain intends to achieve this?
Mr. Barnier's staff have started work on drafting a withdrawal treaty. Has the Taoiseach instructed our officials to ensure the Good Friday Agreement is included as an annex to such a treaty? Did he raise this at last week's Council meeting or at any bilateral meetings with other European leaders? Did he raise it yesterday with President Macron?
Deputy Micheál Martin: The work of the emergency services and State agencies during the recent storms was incredibly impressive, as was the work of the National Emergency Co-ordination Centre. Given the Taoiseach has talked about how the structures worked well, I am sure he will agree that we should acknowledge the work of Deputy O'Dea who, as Minister for Defence, created the current structures and implemented the framework which is still in place today. I hope the Taoiseach's stated desire last July to rebrand the structures along the lines of the UK COBRA committee will be shelved because an attempt to centralise the spotlight goes directly against the lead agency principle, which is what is working. Will he outline to the House what changes, if any, are planned in that regard?
What is the status of the new framework document, which has been ready for almost two years but which has yet to be published? While the national risk assessment identifies climate-related events as an increasing risk, it has been consistent in pointing to cyber-related risks as posing the greatest threat to us. What measures are envisaged to take action in this area? For example, we have strict laws concerning election spending and activity. Given what has been evident in the US, France, the Brexit referendum and a host of small countries, has the Taoiseach initiated any work to protect the integrity of our own elections?
Deputy Eamon Ryan: I echo the previous three Deputies who have raised the problem we have in that we are identifying climate as a risk but any assessment of our response to it in either mitigation or adoption is not being taken seriously. I echo the calls for further debate in that regard. |
Page
of 89
